Pulau Layang-Layang in Malaysia’s South China Sea Policy: Sovereignty Meets Geopolitical Reality amid China–U.S. Rivalry
Pulau Layang-Layang (Swallow Reef) is central to Malaysia’s South China Sea policy. First, the “island” is the first of five features in the South China Sea occupied by Malaysia. Second, since 1983, by exercising exclusive and effective control over Layang Layang, Malaysia has displayed its sovereignty and jurisdiction over the area. Third, with a Malaysian naval station and airstrip, Layang-Layang is Malaysia’s most valuable strategic asset in the South China Sea. Drawing on archival materials and open sources, this paper traces Malaysia’s policy actions vis-à-vis Pulau Layang-Layang, before unpacking the features and factors underpinning the smaller state’s multipronged approaches towards the South China Sea disputes. We argue that Malaysia’s policies regarding Pulau Layang-Layang and the broader South China Sea issue have been and will continue to be driven by small-state pragmatism to balance national sovereignty and geopolitical reality amid the growing U.S.–China rivalry.
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CHINA STUDIES; International Journal of China Studies Vol.12 No.2 December 2021; 189-222
Institute of China Studies, Universiti Malaya
Copyright (c) 2021 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CHINA STUDIES
Friend or Would-be Coloniser? A Constructivist Appraisal of Zambia–China Relations in the Light of Anti-Chinese Sentiments in Zambia
Recent occasional attacks on Chinese entrepreneurs in Zambia, supposedly on grounds that they are expropriating socio-economic opportunities for Zambians, deserve a fresh interrogation of Zambia–China relations. Labourrelated tensions between Chinese employers and their Zambian employees have also ignited violence between the two parties. Opportunistic Zambian politicians have used these tensions to sponsor the narrative that China in general has malevolent designs over Zambia. Due to increasing external debt and general economic difficulties during the tenure of Zambia’s PatrioticFront (PF) government, from 2011 to 2021, desperate Zambians took their frustration out on the increasing numbers of Chinese entrepreneurs who are considered harbingers of Zambia’s external debt crisis and usurpers of Zambia’s sovereignty. Using constructivism as the theoretical framework, the research found that Zambia–China relations are no longer driven by ethical moorings that were typical of the colonial and Cold War eras. Secondly, that China’s identity in Zambia has assumed an ominous dimension with theincreasing number of Chinese migrants whose conduct is at variance with the image that the Chinese government strives to present. Third, that the ineffective governance of the PF leadership threatened to force the country to default on the debt it owes to China and this could have led to China limiting the room for manoeuvre on the part of the Zambian government, thereby justifying the arguments of those who opine that China aims to take over Africa even though ineffective African governments are culpable.
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CHINA STUDIES; International Journal of China Studies Vol.12 No.2 December 2021; 223-243
The Rise of China in Europe: A Challenge to Integration?
This paper discusses the impacts of the “rise of China” on European integration. Challenges facing European integration are now among the most important issues followed closely by those who are interested in the development of the European Union. This paper, regarding European integration as a process in which a European “international society” emerges and then evolves, proposes an analytical framework to analyze the rise of China as both a centripetal force for and a centrifugal force against European integration by examining how common interests and conflicts of interests among European countries over such controversial issues as human rights in China, arms embargo against China, and increasing Chinese investment in Europe would affect European countries’ efforts to turn Europe into a highly integrated international society.As this paper demonstrates, whether and how either of the two forces for and against European integration will become stronger than the other would determine the direction where European integration might move and therefore is worth more examination in future research.
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CHINA STUDIES; International Journal of China Studies Vol.12 No.2 December 2021; 245-270
Copyright (c) 2022 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CHINA STUDIES
Skirmishes along the Sino-Indian Border – Strategic Options for India
In the backdrop of the Covid-19 pandemic, the clash in the Galwan Valley (June 15, 2020) between the Chinese and Indian troops, that killed twenty Indian soldiers, is undoubtedly a watershed moment in India-China relations. While both the Asian giants seek to avoid war, India and China have sharpened the political rhetoric; meanwhile, troops from both sides continue to be amassed along the Line of Actual Control (LAC). The process of disengagement of troops and de-escalation of tensions have worked, albeit limitedly. Furthermore, the growing support of China to Taliban controlled Afghanistan (August 2021), will impact the course of Sino-India relations. The current stand-off betweenIndia and China marks the beginning of a new phase of relations where its repercussions will be felt in their immediate periphery and beyond. This article focuses on the strategic options for India. The transgression of China across the LAC will continue to cast its shadow over the relations between the two Asian giants. The earlier “spirit” and “connect” between the two nations stand broken and mending the same will test the institutions and leadership of both the countries.
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CHINA STUDIES; International Journal of China Studies Vol.12 No.2 December 2021; 271-293
Analyzing the Contrast between Chinese Economic Pragmatism and Iranian “Look to East” Optimism
In order to repel US pressures, Tehran has perpetually aligned itself with major non-Western powers through a ‘Look to the East policy’ with focus mainly on China. Iran and China are opposed to the United States’ so-called unilateralism and are similarly categorized as revisionist states which this common attitude culminated into the signature of the 25-year cooperation agreement in March 2021. But, China prioritizes its national interests defined by economic pragmatism; and its complex economic interdependence with the world economy has made it conservative. The present article analyzes this question of why China has been conservative in shielding Iran against the US’s paralyzing sanctions in Donald Trump’s era. It argues that the Chinese global strategy and its economic pragmatism require it to make compromises with the United States and Arab states alike, and at the same time, to preserve relationships with Iranwith the least political-economic expenses.
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CHINA STUDIES; International Journal of China Studies Vol.12 No.2 December 2021; 295-318
Empirical Evidence for Commercial Bank Efficiency and Corporate Directorship in China
This study examines the links between bank efficiency and the profileof corporate directorships of listed banks in China. We focused on thecomposition of independent, foreign and women directors, human and socialcapital of the directors, and their diligence for board meetings. We collectedthe individual director profiles of a panel of 28 commercial banks data from2010 to 2018. GMM estimation is employed to address the endogeneityissues. In general, we found that independent and foreign directors have apositive impact on bank efficiency, as well as educational level, professionalqualification, political connection, and their board meeting attendance.These findings suggest that a certain profile of corporate directorship cansignificantly drive listed bank efficiency.
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CHINA STUDIES; International Journal of China Studies Vol.12 No.2 December 2021; 319-343
China’s Evolving Role in the United Nations: Analysis of the People’s Liberation Army’s Engagement in UN Security Operations
Under the leadership of President Xi Jinping, China has become a proactiveparticipant in world affairs, showing a desire and an ability to contribute toglobal public goods. As a result, China’s support for the United Nations hasgrown considerably. Today, China is the second largest financial contributorto the organization’s overall budget, and the largest troop contributing countryamong the permanent members of the UN Security Council. This articleexamines China’s engagement within the UN framework and, in particular,why the UN has been chosen by Beijing as one of the key venues throughwhich to flex its diplomatic muscles and strengthen its influence abroad. Toaddress this research question, this article adopts a case study approach thatfocuses on the deployment of People’s Liberation Army (PLA) units formissions relating to counter-piracy and peacekeeping activities. Drawingon the literature on military diplomacy and the study of Chinese media, itprovides a comprehensive assessment of Beijing’s motivations in the pursuitof peace enforcement in international relations, and highlights the unique roleplayed by the PLA in achieving this ambition
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CHINA STUDIES; International Journal of China Studies Vol.12 No.1 June 2021
The Little Pinks: Self-mobilized Nationalism and State Allies in Chinese Cyberspace
Previous studies on cyber politics in China have highlighted the antagonistic relationship between the state and society, either emphasizing on how the state controls online opinions or how the Internet politically empowers individuals.Recent studies went further to reveal the possibility of collaboration between the state and certain online groups. Following the new line of research, this paper presents a case study of the “Little Pinks” and argues that the heterogeneous cyberspace could spontaneously generate netizen groups that may well align and cooperate with the authoritarian regime. The Little Pinksis a group of influential young Chinese netizens who are nationalistic-oriented and readily defend their government online. Although Chinese authorities have attempted to guide and mobilize them, they are at most allies, but never a subsidiary of the government. They have demonstrated astonishing organizational capability in collective actions, which is derived from the vibrant fandom culture in the Chinese cyberspace.
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CHINA STUDIES; International Journal of China Studies Vol.12 No.1 June 2021; 25-46
Superpower Responsibility, China, the South China Sea and the COVID-19 Pandemic
Since the coming into power of President Xi Jinping in China in 2012, an important objective of Beijing’s foreign policy has been to modify the international order to correspond with China’s rising power and to fulfill the Chinese Dream of national rejuvenation and becoming a superpower. As a superpower, China is expected to bear the responsibilities of providing public goods, maintaining stability, and upholding the norms and values that are respected by other states. This paper examines the Chinese attempt to merge as a key player in international affairs and use two case studies of China’s policy towards the South China Sea and its international responses to the Covid-19 pandemic to argue that Beijing has, to some extent, fallen short of the duties of a superpower.
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CHINA STUDIES; International Journal of China Studies Vol.12 No.1 June 2021; 47-64
The Changing Image of China in the COVID-19 Pandemic from the Perspective of Mainstream Spanish Media
This article aims to explore the depiction of China by mainstream Spanish media during the COVID-19 pandemic. 105 articles were collected from El Mundo, El País, La Vanguardia, ABC and El Periódico, and analyzed by topic: domestic information diffusion and epidemic prevention measures in China, Chinese aid in Spain, and opinions about them. The main finding is that China’s image portrayed by these newspapers changed from draconian and Machiavellian, given the country’s massive strict quarantine and censorship, to villainous, due to cover-up of epidemic information and governance failures that Spanish media condemned in retrospect, and then to opportunist, to a helper of use but not genuine, after China started to aid Spain while taking advantage of the inaction of the Occident. However, the Spaniards’ acceptance of these media-portrayed images varies: despite intense criticismsof governance failures and censorship characterized by the authoritarian system, Spaniards only consider “the virus from China” as an important threat, instead of the expansion of Chinese ideologies. The opportunist depiction was accepted by a considerable proportion of Spaniards, thinking China had gained economically from the pandemic and even improved its global reputation.Aid from ethnic Chinese in Spain, from private firms in China and from the Chinese Government were positively felt. Besides, the fact that Spanish citizens increasingly blamed their Government for incompetence might also explain why there was limited damage to China’s image.
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF CHINA STUDIES; International Journal of China Studies Vol.12 No.1 June 2021; 65-114
Copyright (c) 2021 Institute of China Studies