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                <text>The Indian defence manufacturing sector is largely dominated by the Defence Public Sector Units (DPSUs) and Ordnance Factory Board (OFB), whereas the Research and Development (R&amp;amp;amp;D) sector is solely controlled by the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO). India's defence industry is primarily controlled by the government and its agencies. Though the defence industry was opened up for private domestic players in 2001, so far there has been limited participation of the private sector in the overall defence procurement. India boasts of one of the largest defence industrial bases among the developing nations in the world. Approximately two lakh people are employed in the various defence manufacturing units/laboratories of the government. The key components of India's existing Defence Industrial Base (DIB) are the DPSUs, Ordnance Factories (Ord Fys), DRDO—all functioning under the overall control of the government's Ministry of Defence (MoD)—and a few private sector companies comprising both large and Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs).</text>
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                <text>The Industrial Policy Resolution of 1956, under Schedule A, reserved 17 industries including arms and ammunition for the public sector. Accordingly, the defence sector remained solely the domain of defence Public Sector Undertakings (PSUs), Ordnance Factory Board (OFB), and Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) till 2001. However, the country had to resort to the import of ammunition for the Bofors artillery guns during the Kargil War from South Africa, amongst others, even though the country already had a large industrial base consisting of nine defence PSUs, 39 Ordnance Factories (OFs) and 52 laboratories of DRDO. The armed forces stared at the perils of dependence on imports during the war. On a positive note, post the Kargil War, the government decided to open the doors to the defence sector to the private industry. Thus, in May 2001, the government permitted 100 per cent participation by the Indian private sector, subject to licensing, with the aim to galvanise the country's defence industrial base for achieving self-reliance and indigenisation.</text>
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                <text>CLAWS Journal; Vol. 12 No. 1 (2019): Summer 2019; 100-122</text>
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                <text>The Balakot airstrikes and the air combat thereafter in which a MiG-21 Bison of the Indian Air Force (IAF) had to engage a much more modern F-16 of the Pakistan Air Force (PAF) has once again brought IAF modernisation back into focus. IAF Chief, Air Chief Marshal BS Dhanoa, has said that the IAF has hit an all-time low of 31 fighter squadrons vis-à-vis the government authorised 42.1 He highlighted the convergence of strategic interests between China and Pakistan and their rapidly modernising Air Forces. The IAF, on the other hand, has been slowly losing the combat edge that it had enjoyed over Pakistan in 1971 in terms of both quality and numbers. Technology-intensive airpower requires Faster replacement of assets due to quicker obsolescence.</text>
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                <text>CLAWS Journal; Vol. 12 No. 1 (2019): Summer 2019; 86-99</text>
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                <text>The security strategy of a nation is based on harnessing the cumulative strength of its various instruments of national power. These, amongst others, include the economy, diplomacy, information and military. Nations periodically undertake the necessary transformation of their armed forces in order to optimise their potential. “Transformation is a process that shapes the changing nature of military competition and cooperation through a new combination of concepts, capabilities, people, and organisations that exploits the nation's advantage and protects against asymmetric vulnerabilities to sustain the strategic position, which helps underpin peace and stability in the world. Transformation anticipates and creates the future and deals with the co-evolution of concepts, processes, organisation, and technology.” It is, however, important that “military transformation” should simply be understood to mean “profound change” in military affairs.1 It need not imply rapid or across-the-board change, nor the discarding of that which continues to work well. The changes, however, should be dramatic rather than mere improvements on the margins to existing military hardware or processes.</text>
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                <text>It is extremely difficult to crystal-gaze and predict the future with certainty. In hindsight, one can say that the rapid changes in the geo-political, economic, social, cultural and technological domains have had a profound impact on the emerging geo-strategic environment. With a plethora of disruptive technologies, the unknown effects of emerging technologies, asymmetric threats, and the revolution in autonomous systems and communications, the global environment has been in a state of continuous change and flux. Resultantly, the envisaged threats and challenges to national security, both traditional and non-traditional, have also undergone significant change. The complexities of which need to be analysed in order to formulate the future course of action. Factors such as external security threats, religious and ethnic extremism, population growth and unemployment, societal tensions, severe competition for natural resources, climate change, and environmental degradation are likely to ensure that armed conflicts will persist, perhaps with greater intensity. To say so, in a large number of cases, trans-national neighbouring forces and non-state actors have been indulging in abetting insurgencies, terrorism, violence, and organised crime, thus, perpetuating instability and conflicts.</text>
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                <text>CLAWS Journal; Vol. 12 No. 1 (2019): Summer 2019; 21-43</text>
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